Bulgaria's new role in the region after its accession to NATO and as a potential EU member - Lecture by President Georgi Parvanov
12-05-2004 16:00 |
National Palace of Culture
Members of Parliament, Excellencies,
Ladies and Gentlemen,
This is my third lecture on Bulgaria's foreign policy after I spoke before the Atlantic Club at the beginning of my term and then on the occasion of the Bulgarian Diplomatic Society's fifth anniversary last year.
I feel certain that the main tenets of our foreign and national security policy should be shared with the Bulgarian public at regular intervals in order to clarify positions, trends and phenomena, to discuss them and seek solutions together. It gives me special pleasure that this year I will be able to present my lecture to the members and friends of the National Association for International Relations (NAIR) and the Bulgarian Diplomatic Society (BDS). Happy Tenth Anniversary to NAIR and thank you for the invitation and the opportunity to speak before this highly professional audience!
I have chosen the broader subject of Bulgaria's foreign policy challenges after its accession to NATO and as a potential EU member. I have done so because for more than a month now Bulgaria has been a member of NATO, which means that we have turned from an object of the Alliance's policy into a subject in its formulation and implementation.
May 1, 2004 saw the broadest enlargement of Europe that is bringing Bulgaria ever closer to its other strategic goal – membership in the European Union. I have no doubts that in less than three years we Bulgarians will rejoin finally the family of the European democracies.
In this context it is especially important to analyze the new developments, the new responsibilities and Bulgaria's new place in the region, in Europe and the world. The following question arises here: is it possible, at this complex, dynamic stage of development and transformations, for a small country like Bulgaria to steer a policy with a character of its own. The answer is in the affirmative, I think. The important thing, however, is to find the focal point of our specific national interests and the aims and tasks of the EU and NATO.
In defining its immediate aims and tasks Bulgaria will have to navigate, figuratively speaking, in a three-dimensional space between its national interests, its commitments and responsibilities as a NATO ally and the criteria for EU membership. This will be no easy job. The past few years have shown that these parameters do not always coincide.
Bulgaria was put between the hammer and the anvil, despite its will. Reference to: the war in Iraq and the International Criminal Court! Besides, this framework is not static. It shifts dynamically thus making our job much more complicated and delicate. However, the focal points should be sought on the plane of the shared values and interests and the principles that bring us together with our NATO allies and EU partners.
On our way to NATO we kept forecasting the positive effect of membership in the Alliance. Today, we must prove the validity of our arguments in favour. In other words, our case for membership should turn into our prime commitment as a NATO member.
Our key argument was that Bulgaria must guarantee adequately its national security in the new conditions. It should assume the responsibilities deriving from membership in the Alliance. No doubt, the fundamental problem proceeding from our ally's duties in the coming years is resistance to terrorism, fighting it in all its forms. To this I would add the containment and interception of illicit trafficking, most of which is related to international terrorism. This task is probably going to be top on our agenda for decades to come. It is my conviction that the existing differences on the ways and means of combating this threat must be overcome, for there can be no purely American or purely European policy vis-a-vis terrorism. It must be a concerted effort if the USA and Europe are to counteract this evil effectively.
Such a policy must be coupled with a strategy addressing the root causes of the problem. The root causes necessarily include the crises and latent conflicts in various parts of the world and in our region. Last but not least, here belong the acute economic and social problems prevailing in vast parts of today's world and providing some of the explanations for this phenomenon.
The second, no less powerful argument has been that as a NATO member we shall have a chance to influence neighbouring regions, acting as a kind of gateway for the spread of the Euro-Atlantic values and principles to adjacent areas. Bulgaria should not be trying to impose solutions or positions in its relations with partners from the Western Balkans or the Caucasus. This would be beyond its powers and may well prove counterproductive. On the other hand, however, Bulgaria should not merely follow and react to events but initiate policies mutually beneficial for everyone involved.
Our country has the potential and must, in a sense, take up a leadership role by involving through its example countries of the neighbouring regions. The implications for us are: first, stepping up the domestic reforms and second, acting in perfect concert with our allies in formulating and pursuing the Alliance's goals.
Our third argument has been that accession to NATO will allow Bulgaria to respond adequately and timely in the event of conflict resolution and defusing tensions in the Western Balkans. I continue to argue that there are persisting smoldering hotbeds of tension in the region despite the recent positive trends. We cannot rest content that the peace process and the democratic changes in Southeast Europe are irreversible. Unfortunately, the recent developments in Kosovo have borne this out.
Last year I voiced my concern that our European and Euro-Atlantic partners might assume that the problems of the Balkans have found a lasting solution and turn their back on the region, redirecting their attention to other parts of the world. Developments have unfortunately confirmed my fears that the tensions are not gone. Therefore NATO and the EU must keep their active involvement in fostering stability and development in this part of Europe.
A qualitatively new moment has occurred for us in the wake of 29 March 2004. As a NATO member Bulgaria can no longer just appeal to other allies for a greater commitment. Now, as a member of the Alliance we must participate in formulating and implementing the NATO policies both in respect of the Balkans and of the neighbouring regions, leaning on our historical experience and the insight we have gained into the Western Balkans and the entire region. We must assume our responsibility as a NATO member in the policy towards the whole region.
The time has come for us to defend the interests of the other countries of the region as well as our own. This is the only way for them to become an integral part of the North-Atlantic zone, because there can be no security for just one individual country of the region. As I have said on other occasions, the security of Southeast Europe is a function of the stability of each separate country in it.
Of course, we are fully aware of the impossibility to fulfill our obligations without the cooperation of our partners. I am happy to say that we do have reliable allies here, in the region, with whom we can pursue our Euro-Atlantic policy. After the latest NATO enlargement, now almost half of the Black Sea states are in the Alliance, while other three maintain active relations with it.
And last but not least, one of our key arguments has been the reform of the armed forces and their alignment to NATO standards. The Strategic Defense Review launched last year is in its final phase. It is meant to provide us with a vision for the development of defense and the armed forces by 2015. As the Head of State and Supreme Commander I have shown my commitment to the Review in the process. I reiterate my intention to submit the final document, the result of this Review, to discussion in the Consultative Council on National Security.
However, I would like to caution here, before this distinguished audience, against reducing the results of the Review to merely the armed forces, or, rather the Bulgarian Army. Unlike the initial concept of making a comprehensive review of defense and security! I believe we shall have failed to fulfill our initial plans if we thus narrow down the scope of our work and, hence, its results. On the grounds of this Strategic Review and additional analyses that are to be made we need to make an inventory of all the tasks, legislation and structures in both the defense sector and security from a broader perspective.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
Formally, the processes of NATO and EU enlargement have never been bundled together. Politically, however, there has always been an interrelation between them. The concept of Europe rising from the ashes of the Second World War became the underlying principle of both the Marshall Plan and the Atlantic idea as a whole. Seen from this angle, Bulgaria's accession to NATO is an important landmark on our way to EU membership, for it bears on a major issue for any country, its security and, more importantly, the recognition that the country in question subscribes to the values and principles of democracy underpinning NATO and the EU.
Yet, EU accession is a much more complicated process. In my speech before the Atlantic Club two years ago, I described EU membership as a certificate of the state of the country and the quality of reforms in all areas. Bulgaria will continue on its way to Brussels - a course it has been steering with the support of its people for 15 years now.
There are two points I would like to make in reference to the recent accession of the ten new members of the EU. I wish to believe that the EU will not be "panting out of breath", figuratively speaking, after taking on board the ten and will thus disprove some pessimistic forecasts. Europe can be no island of prosperity if it has a ghetto of backward states. No "Europe of concentric circles" or "a two-track Europe" should be allowed. This might shake severely the very foundation of the European Union, the idea of European solidarity. It may thus disenchant the nations of Southeast Europe and deprive them of a European prospect.
Hopefully the new EU members will carry on the open-door policy that the older members pursued in respect of them. I do agree that our negotiations will get more complicated in the changed situation after 1 May 2004. This notwithstanding Bulgaria must continue its alignment with the membership criteria and meet its task of completing negotiations during the term of the present Commission. As a matter of fact, in my meetings and talks with many European leaders I was promised cooperation and a transfer of the experience they had gained in negotiations. It is heartening that many of the leading European politicians have confirmed categorically that the fifth enlargement cannot be finalized without Bulgaria and Romania.
Bulgaria's membership in the EU will not be a mere confirmation of our European identity. It will send a significant positive signal to our neighbours about the irreversibility of the trends of Europe's unification. I have pointed out frequently that the only way to the security, stability and prosperity of Southeast Europe leads through the European and Euro-Atlantic integration of the region.
Today Bulgaria is the most advanced candidate in the region in terms of its EU membership negotiations. This is an additional responsibility for us to spread the integration processes in Southeast Europe. The common vision and agenda were defined at the European Council Meeting in Thessaloniki last year. However the hard bit lies ahead of us.
The European Union must begin investing in a major and meaningful way in the economy and infrastructure of Southeast Europe. Infrastructure development is the best investment in the security of the Balkans. Needless to point out that the prime condition for integrating Southeast Europe with the rest of the Continent is overcoming its physical isolation by building the necessary transport links. As well as linking the countries of the region with Europe they will greatly facilitate their bilateral communications.
Here, I feel I must remind again that we should try and help ourselves before we look for help elsewhere. This is why last year in Belgrade I put forward a proposal to the countries of the region: to define together a long-term strategy for the development of the region as an inseparable part of united Europe and a zone of peace, security and economic prosperity. Such a strategy should become our "business card" for our partners and to the world at large.
By steering a policy of the small steps we could start with the "cultural corridors", highlighting our common cultural and historical heritage. Subsequently, leaning upon the accumulated experience, we could extend this strategy to the overall development of Southeast Europe. With this in mind I invited my colleagues heads of state and government to a regional forum in Varna dedicated to the identification, effective use and promotion of our common cultural heritage. This is a way of promoting the other, the authentic image of the region, rather than the negative stereotypes associated with it. I believe that, with the help of UNESCO, this idea will materialize in the coming months.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In the beginning of my term of office I spelled out the principles that should underpin Bulgaria's foreign policy. I trust no one would question any longer the continuity and consistency of our behaviour as an ally and the way we discharge our duties accordingly. The results are obvious and I believe that our partners and allies from the EU and NATO will confirm this.
A great deal was done to achieve both a balance and a diversity of our foreign policy. We have succeeded in expanding the circle of our friends and partners while focusing on our strategic priorities. We have gone a long way toward building a new type of pragmatic and friendly relations with Russia, the Ukraine and the states of that region.
Important steps were made to revive our relations with the Arab world. However a lot remains to be done in that direction. Bulgaria must increase its efforts aimed at achieving a just and lasting peace in the Middle East.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
In my lecture to you last year I put a special emphasis on the need to strengthen the trans-Atlantic link and rebuild confidence between the USA and Europe. Today this task appears even more relevant in the light of our efforts to find lasting solutions to the problems in Iraq. This has special implications for us, for we were faced against our will with the artificial choice between our strategic partnership with Washington and our European identity.
Strengthening the trans-Atlantic link is contingent upon the manner in which outstanding problems in various hotbeds of tensions and conflicts, including Iraq, Afghanistan and the Balkans, will be resolved.
Last year I made clear my stand on the war in Iraq. People remember my position, my reservations and fears, which unfortunately have come true. Mostly, because world terrorism failed to be crushed! On the contrary, it was spurred into action. The mistake of bypassing the UN and other international factors will continue to weigh on our efforts to find a lasting solution. I recall this with the full awareness that these are all arguments of the past, to be judged by history, as we like to say.
The political situation today is completely different. Unlike at the start of the war, Iraq is now turning into a full-scale battlefield against terror. That country has become a point of attraction for terrorists from all over the world who find there fertile ground for translating into action their extremist ideas. Should, under these circumstances, control on the situation there be lost, the danger of an internal and regional crisis would appear inevitable. Besides, today, unlike a year ago, we have concrete examples of a spillover of terrorism into Europe.
Last but not least, and this is the Bulgarian stand and my own stand: a withdrawal from the battlefield, apart from contradicting the traditions of the Bulgarian armed forces, could today be seen by our allies and coalition partners as breaking of commitments made. This is the reason why I am not hiding behind my view of the nature of the war. I am not gloating or adopting the "I told you so" attitude. The Bulgarian institutions have confirmed the staying of our battalion in Karbala. It must be clear, however, that the duration of their mission is a function of the security that we, the Bulgarian politicians and our allies, are to provide for them and for Iraq as a whole.
I hasten to point out that our allies have shown understanding for our proposals on the military aspects of security. However, a lot remains to be done in the political and diplomatic arena. It is crucial to identify the legitimate political factors recognized by the majority of the population that are to take over government after June 30th.
It is important to conclude successfully the consultations on a new UN commitment, clear as it is that it cannot calm down the situation overnight. The presence of units from the Muslim countries in the new multinational forces would have an additional reassuring effect, I think.
As to the Bulgarian military in Iraq, they fulfill the mandate given them by Parliament like true professionals, with dignity and courage. I could see this first hand. They are the ones who prove in actual deeds the reliability and continuity of Bulgaria's policy before our allies from NATO. They are doing it, not least, with the awareness that they are building the core of our future professional army.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
My lecture will probably lack relevance if I fail to address in it an issue that has shaken the Bulgarian public in recent days, that is, the death verdict for the Bulgarian medics in Libya.
Our efforts to provide the best defence and the support of the international community have proven inadequate. It is a good thing, though, that the European and world public opinion has shown sensitivity toward this matter. I wish to thank all countries, political factors, individual leaders and intellectuals for their stance. On the other hand, it is no good when our domestic politicians make excessive additional noise around this support. We must beware of excessive ill-advised PR campaigns that may only aggravate our fellow countrymen's situation.
Despite evidence of the Bulgarians' innocence the verdict is a fact that we cannot ignore. It is indeed the worst climax in the trial of this case. I know what a grave drama it is for the families and friends of the medics! However, it is also an all-Bulgarian problem, both in its international dimensions and in the way it impacts our domestic processes.
What is to be done from now onwards? I consider protecting the life of the Bulgarian nurses as a prime task for the Bulgarian institutions. The first instance verdict is not a foregone conclusion for the outcome of the trial. Very well targeted steps are needed for strengthening the defence in the hope that the second instance will judge the body of evidence in a different way.
At the same time I am aware of the extremely strong public pressure on the Libyan state. The stakes are high - the infection of more than 400 children, which is a huge tragedy! Together with the Bulgarian people I sympathize with the Libyans for this human tragedy. It is a duty for the world and European community to find a form of assisting the families of the victims. I am sure that we Bulgarians could commit ourselves to such an initiative.
Second, the presumption of innocence has been a valid principle ever since the Roman law, which means non-guilty until the opposite is proven. I hope that the Libyan court will take into account the evidence of the Bulgarian and international experts on the case. There is no single proof in support of the charges. Our medics' self-confessions have been extracted under duress and it is highly puzzling that the court has washed its hands off the liability of the torturers.
While on the subject of tortures, I must say we should not be using double standards. Just as we condemn the torture of our medics, we should also condemn tortures in Iraqi prisons that cast a dark shadow over the activities of the US led coalition.
No less important task for us is to guarantee an uninterrupted flow of information and access to the defence counsel of the accused. Our medics have reached the limits of human endurance. We must be duly informed about the state and the conditions of detention of the Bulgarians in Libya. Bulgaria and its institutions will do their best to provide bearable conditions for our medics, as much as this is possible.
However, the debate, ladies and gentlemen, must be purged of any political or ideological qualifications. Our legal and professional argumentation is the source of our strength. The acts of condemnation we have been witnessing in recent days will not do the job. What must be done is to preserve the atmosphere of tolerance between our two nations with the joint efforts of all, media, politicians, intellectuals and the entire public.
There is another thing: I am convinced that this is not the time to hold responsible one Bulgarian politician or another. Indeed, there may have been failures to do the right thing at the opportune moment. Today, however, Bulgaria must stand united. All institutions should work in concert on this issue, for the stakes are huge: the life of our medics is at stake! Besides, today we are creating the framework for our future dialogue with Libya and the Arab world.
Ladies and Gentlemen,
The new geopolitical realities and trends in international politics affect directly each country, big and small alike. The difficulties are largely due to the fact that we, the new NATO and EU members, are not the only ones in a process of transformation. So are the very international organizations themselves! Besides, it would be wrong to perceive our accession to NATO as the end of the road. On the contrary, we are at the beginning. The longer and harder stretch lies ahead of us, fraught with obligations and responsibilities.
In the final analysis, our foreign policy success will depend on the way we handle our problems at home. We are still facing the task of reforming the Bulgarian judiciary, of harmonizing the Bulgarian legislation with the European acquis, of achieving lasting success in combating crime and corruption, assisting the Bulgarian business, providing the vital economic growth - the main condition for Bulgaria¡¯s effective integration with the families of the advanced European nations.
This urges us to create the administrative capacity necessary for our effective participation in the EU and NATO bodies. A lot of serious effort remains to be put into this. Hardly anyone doubts the growing requirements before our diplomatic missions. In view of this, I called for the passage of a Law on the Diplomatic Service as early as my inauguration into office a couple of years ago. The reluctance of certain political forces to give the drafts of such a law a green light is truly puzzling! Indeed, I do hope this problem will also be resolved soon. My experience as a politician for 15 years now has shown that the solution of this issue is in reverse proportion to the time remaining to the end of the term of the governing party concerned.
Thank you for your attention.
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